If ever there was a post that exposed the Leftosphere as unserious stenographers of pro-Alida fluff, this post fits that description. The title says everything about the unseriousness of the post:
One-party rule doesn’t guarantee unity on issues of environment and energy
A DFL governor and DFL legislature don’t guarantee Alida getting her way on all things anti-industry. Alida waving a big stick over the heads of DFL freshmen in swing districts is what guarantees unity on energy and the environment policy. What Alida wants, Alida gets. More accurately, what Alida demands, Alida gets.
In the last legislative session where Democrats controlled both houses and also held the governorship, as they will again this January, Morse was finishing his first Senate term as a DFLer from the Winona area. It was the 1989-1990 biennium and such fixtures of the contemporary scene as the Minnesota Environmental Partnership, the legislative coordinating council he now heads, weren’t yet invented.
Three sessions later, for the 1995-1996 biennium, Tuma joined the Legislature as a Republican member of the House from Northfield. Remarkably, in hindsight from these more rigid, immoderate times, having lost a bid for the Democrats’ nomination two years earlier didn’t disqualify him from winning both the Republican nomination and then the seat itself in 1994.
Today he lobbies for Conservation Minnesota, known back then as the state chapter of the League of Conservation Voters (and, incidentally, writes quite engagingly about Minnesota political history on his blog).
It isn’t a stretch to call Tuma a ‘Carlson Republican.’ Today, he’s a lobbyist against the mining industry. He’s Alida’s kind of ‘Republican’ in that he’s a lobbyist against the mining industry.
I wrote in this post about Conservation Minnesota’s agenda:
Conservation Minnesota, Friends of the Boundary Waters Wilderness and the Minnesota Center for Environmental Advocacy are targeting the proposed PolyMet mine near Hoyt Lakes and the proposed Twin Metals mine near Ely.
That means Mr. Tuma is an anti-mining lobbyist. He’s lobbying for an organization with Ms. Messinger as the Vice-President of their Board of Directors.
Let’s stop briefly to connect the dots.
First, Alida Messinger is the boss in the DFL. After the 2010 elections, she said that she wouldn’t write another $500,000 check to the DFL if Brian Melendez was still the chair. Days later, he announce he wasn’t running for another term. Shortly thereafter, Ken Martin was installed as DFL chair. Next, Ms. Messinger is the major funder of ABM, the pro-DFL smear campaign messaging machine. Finally, she’s on Conservation Minnesota’s board of directors, which dictates to the DFL which environmental policies they’ll support.
If you think it’s pure coincidence that Ms. Messinger ‘owns’ these things, think again. It’s something that runs in the Rockefeller family:
Standard Oil gradually gained almost complete control of oil refining and marketing in the United States through horizontal integration. In the kerosene industry, Standard Oil replaced the old distribution system with its own vertical system. It supplied kerosene by tank cars that brought the fuel to local markets and tank wagons then delivered to retail customers, thus bypassing the existing network of wholesale jobbers. Despite improving the quality and availability of kerosene products while greatly reducing their cost to the public (the price of kerosene dropped by nearly 80% over the life of the company), Standard Oil’s business practices created intense controversy. Standard’s most potent weapons against competitors were underselling, differential pricing, and secret transportation rebates. The firm was attacked by journalists and politicians throughout its existence, in part for these monopolistic methods, giving momentum to the anti-trust movement.
Standard Oil was started by John D. Rockefeller, Ms. Messinger’s great grandfather. While John D. Rockefeller created a monopoly in the oil industry, Ms. Messinger has created a political monopoly. She owns the DFL, their messaging machine and their most favored special interest group.
This is just the tip of Alida Messinger’s monopoly. Check back later for Part II of Alida Messinger’s monopoly.